Parvini Is Right to Hate the Chuds
Toward a more competent Right
I. The Strategic Question Beneath the Surface
We will run faster if we lose weight.
Parvini’s recent piece reminded me of a pattern the Right has made light of for far too long. The problem is not new. It is the persistent habit of centering men whose presence weakens everything around them. The chuds are treated as authentic voices, populist ballast, or unavoidable baggage. In reality, they are a strategic liability. Their dysfunction was once the floor. Now it is the ceiling.
The usual defenses appear on cue. One camp insists that the Left is so malicious that internal rot does not matter. Another shrugs and says every movement attracts misfits. Both miss the structural point. A coalition is defined by its marginal members. When the marginal member is volatile, incompetent, or hostile to discipline, the entire coalition adjusts downward. Ambitious people walk away. Capable people keep their distance. The movement begins to resemble the very group that contributes the least to it.
Catering to chuds has a measurable cost. It repels the creative class, the technical class, and the political professionals who give a movement cultural reach, institutional skill, and operational coherence. They see the tantrums, the posturing, and the decay, and conclude that nothing serious can grow in that soil. They are right.
The issue is functional. A movement cannot advance if it binds itself to those who cannot build, cannot coordinate, and cannot rise. Internal liabilities become external defeats.
II. The Lesson of McNamara’s Morons
The legions of evil retards are a bad thing, actually.
Every system learns, sooner or later, that certain members impose negative value. The American military discovered this the hard way with the cohort later labeled McNamara’s Morons, men whose cognitive and behavioral limitations degraded entire units. Below a threshold of competence, a soldier ceases to add strength. He absorbs it. He pulls attention away from mission objectives and forces the group to reorganize around his dysfunction. The battlefield became the teacher. Some liabilities cost more than they are worth.
Political movements face the same arithmetic. The chud is the civilian expression of this problem: a figure whose presence reduces coordination, sabotages morale, and multiplies error. He demands constant management. He derails planning with impulsive outbursts. He transforms strategic discussions into emotional theater. Under these conditions, the movement slowly reshapes itself to accommodate his volatility, until volatility becomes the operating principle.
Organizational studies repeatedly confirm the same pattern. A single low-agency antagonist can depress group output far beyond his percentage of the whole. Team cohesion collapses as every process is redesigned around damage control. Aspirational projects contract into crisis response. The group ceases moving forward and begins orbiting its own weakest link.
Dead weight is never idle. It exerts gravitational pull. It drags the coalition toward disorder until disorder feels natural. The worst members become the norm-setting members, and the system hardens around their limitations.
III. Enemies We Manufacture Through Cultural Stench
Everyone hates creative white men.
A movement reveals its character through the people it drives away. The white creative class does not remain on the Left because the Left serves its interests. It remains there because the Right surrounds itself with a cohort whose aesthetic signals ignorance, aggression, and decay. The chud broadcasts a worldview that repels anyone who builds beauty or meaning. He treats culture as ornament rather than structure, missing the fact that culture is the field where legitimacy is planted.
Creative workers notice the pattern immediately. They see a movement that ridicules imagination, sneers at refinement, and confuses belligerence with strength. They hear contempt for art, storytelling, and design. They watch as aesthetics are degraded into a competition for the most abrasive posture. The result is predictable. People who create the symbols and emotional narratives that guide civilization decide they want nothing to do with the chud’s ecosystem.
The loss is catastrophic. Without creators, a political project loses its ability to inspire. It loses its ability to define the moral horizon. It loses the emotional infrastructure that allows ideas to travel from abstraction into common life. The creative class does not determine policy. But it determines perception. Perception shapes possibility. Politics is the art of the possible.
The chud cannot perceive that his presence poisons the cultural well. He resents beauty because he cannot produce it. He mocks refinement because he cannot understand it. Movements that tolerate this mindset are condemned to cultural sterility.
IV. The Technical Class and the Habit of Contempt
Western civilization has created the greatest technical wonders ever achieved. The chud’s slur for their architects is bugman.
Our civilization stands because a technical caste keeps it standing. These are the engineers, analysts, programmers, operators, and mechanics who translate ambition into machinery and order. They do not speak in slogans. They work in constraints. They carry the weight of systems that fail the moment competence becomes optional.
The chud greets them with contempt. He calls them bugmen, a term that reveals more about his insecurity than their character. He mocks their expertise, their caution, and their discipline. He treats specialization as servility and education as corruption. The irony is sharp. He depends on the very people he despises for the electricity that powers his phone and the networks that carry his tantrums into the world.
This contempt produces a strategic wound. The technical class is overwhelmingly composed of men who should be friendly to a movement that claims to defend stability and order. Many have endured humiliating workplace orthodoxies. The bugman hates the Karen who works in HR, too. Many crave an environment that respects competence. And yet they recoil from the Right because the loudest voices within it treat them as vermin.
The cost is immense. When the technical class walks away, a movement forfeits its logistical backbone. It loses the individuals who can assess risk, build infrastructure, and translate vision into actionable plans. A coalition deprived of technical talent becomes permanently reactive, unable to execute, unable to govern, and unable to scale.
V. The Political Class and the Penalty for Being Unworkable
Of course, our politicians aren’t loyal to the chuds. They’re a strategic liability.
Politics rewards people who can coordinate under pressure. It is a field where time is scarce, stakes are high, and outcomes depend on disciplined cooperation. The chud enters this environment as a saboteur through temperament. He cannot negotiate without turning the table over. He cannot follow a plan without demanding applause for ignoring it. He cannot subordinate impulse to strategy, which means he cannot function inside any structure that aims to achieve real outcomes.
The political class, whether activist, donor, or elected official, recognizes this immediately. They do not need philosophical critiques to dismiss the chud. They need only observe his operational footprint. He is unreliable. He is contentious. He transforms allies into adversaries and turns every disagreement into a purity contest. People who work in politics prefer flawed partners who can deliver results over ideologues who generate chaos.
This produces a predictable dynamic. The chud imagines himself as the conscience of the movement while the actual decision makers treat him as an unavoidable hazard. They include him in photo ops, exclude him from logistics, and watch the clock until his tantrum ends. Every cycle repeats the lesson. He cannot govern. He cannot plan. He cannot build. He can only disrupt.
A movement that elevates such figures signals to serious actors that responsibility is impossible. Ambitious professionals drift elsewhere. Coalitions age into irrelevance because the people capable of governing decide the environment is too dysfunctional to risk their careers.
VI. The Absence of Value and the Cult of Antagonism
What have chuds for you lately? What have chuds done to you lately?
Every movement must justify the space its members occupy. The chud fails this test on every axis. He does not produce culture because he believes art is a sign of faggotry. He does not master technical skill because he believes expertise is nerdistry. He does not contribute resources because he has few to offer and resents those who do. He mistakes poverty for purity, ignorance for authenticity, and hostility for courage. Nothing in him points upward.
His single export is antagonism. He specializes in the emotional posture of resistance without the discipline required to make resistance effective. He insults, disrupts, and threatens, believing these actions constitute political force. They do not. Antagonism without construction is decay with branding. It burns through coalitions, alienates allies, and convinces outsiders that the movement is incapable of anything beyond tantrums.
The strategic failure here is structural. A coalition must generate value to justify its existence. It must build institutions, produce ideas, cultivate talent, or at least stabilize the environment around it. The chud contributes none of these goods. His presence forces the movement to spend its scarce organizational capital managing turbulence instead of building capacity. He becomes a sinkhole where momentum disappears.
A political project cannot sustain itself on the energy of men who are more comfortable breaking than building. When negation becomes the core identity, a movement drifts into dissolution and calls it righteousness.
VII. The Algorithmic Collaboration With the Enemy
Chimping out only counts if you do it in real life.
The chud imagines himself as a counterforce to the forces he despises. In reality, he is their preferred accelerant. Modern platforms elevate conflict because conflict is measurable. Engagement becomes oxygen, and the chud supplies it in surplus. Every impulsive outburst feeds the machine that distributes ideas across the network. His rage becomes the propulsion system for the very narratives he wishes to bury.
The pattern is mechanical. A leftist mediocrity proposes a deranged policy. It would die in silence if ignored. Instead, the chud descends upon it with volcanic hostility. The algorithm detects a spike in activity. The post is amplified. The idea spreads. More minds encounter it. Moderates soften to it through repetition. The fringe becomes the weather.
In this cycle, the chud is not a resistor. He is the gearbox through which adversaries transmit their ideology into the bloodstream of the culture. The louder he becomes, the more efficiently he serves their aims. The enemy does not need to recruit him. They need only provoke him. He takes care of the rest. His fury is a free marketing service.
The strategic consequence is dire. A movement that cannot discipline its weakest communicators becomes a puppet dancing on the strings of its enemies. Chaos becomes predictable. Outrage becomes scripted. The entire coalition becomes reactive, trapped in a feedback loop it refuses to understand.
VIII. The Myth of the Chud as Counterforce
Chuds are not the worst people in society. Niggers are. Chuds are the second worst.
The final illusion surrounding the chud is the claim that he serves as a last line of cultural defense. The story goes like this: when institutions rot and elites lose their bearings, the untamed man of the hinterlands rises to defend the old order with rough instinct and raw conviction. It is a flattering image that flatters no one. The reality is closer to pathology than heroism.
The chud possesses no principled core. He does not defend beauty, order, or heritage. He reacts. His moral horizon is set by whatever agitates his enemies on a given day. If depravity angers the Left, he imitates it. If cruelty horrifies his opponents, he intensifies it. His compass is inverted. He navigates by resentment. This inversion produces a strange outcome. The man who claims to fight degeneracy mirrors it with startling precision.
He cannot sustain loyalty to an ideal because he does not understand ideals. He gravitates toward online gurus who promise power without discipline. He imitates their scripts without grasping their context. If someone tells him to pursue vice under the banner of masculine revival, he complies. If someone tells him to destroy relationships under the banner of freedom, he complies again. The chud follows impulses that dress themselves as insight.
This is why he cannot anchor a movement. A coalition rooted in antagonism cannot cultivate virtue. A coalition rooted in impulse cannot generate structure. A coalition shaped by chuds inherits their chaos.
IX. The Place Where They Belong
Chud: America is the greatest country God has given man in the history of the world!
Gene: Not because of you. Very much despite you.
Hierarchy is recognition. Every society sorts itself by capability, temperament, and contribution. The chud occupies the lower tier because he offers nothing that would justify ascent. He is not the founding stock he mythologizes. The Anglo architects of the American order valued restraint, literacy, industriousness, and institutional discipline. The chud inherits none of this. His lineage trends Celtic and Germanic, groups absorbed into the republic long after its scaffolding was built. His ancestors provided labor and, in war, bodies. Both functions are now technologically eclipsed.
He lives in the least developed regions of the country because those regions reflect the historical limits of his class. He did not build the institutions he claims to defend. He cannot maintain the infrastructure he depends on. He contributes neither scientific discovery nor artistic heritage nor political strategy. His economic position offers no leverage. His temperament generates no trust. He has no jurisdiction over the future because he cannot govern his present and vandalizes the past.
This judgment is structural and predates woke madness. Societies advance by elevating the capable and containing the inept. When the inept attempt to set the cultural tone, decline accelerates. When the chud’s worldview becomes the unofficial aesthetic of a movement, rising talent flees and the system collapses into its lowest form. Gravity wins.
The chud occupies his rank because he earned nothing higher. A movement that hands him the microphone announces its own inferiority.
X. The Trade Worth Making
Three chuds for an artist. Five for an engineer. Eight for an activist. Twenty for a politician.
A movement succeeds by choosing its liabilities and pruning the rest. The chud is a liability with no counterbalancing asset, virtue, or skill. Removing him from the center is virtuous and wise. The Right’s long list of unnecessary enemies exists because it keeps defending a cohort that repels the very people who could lift it out of decay. The creative class, the technical class, the pragmatic political class; all are natural allies estranged by exposure to chud behavior. They drift leftward out of revulsion. This is a self-inflicted wound.
A different coalition is possible. One built around competence rather than resentment. One that values discipline over tantrums. One that understands culture as a strategic resource and treats the people who produce it as essential partners. One that can speak to professionals, to builders, to those who maintain systems rather than degrade them. Trading chuds for these constituents is not an ideological shift. It is a civilizational upgrade.
The path forward is clear. Stop centering the movement around its least functional members. Stop mistaking outrage for energy. Stop rewarding the people who break everything they touch. A coalition anchored by talent can build institutions, shape culture, and recover legitimacy. A coalition anchored by chuds can only vandalize the future.
Build a movement capable of governing a country. Expel men who cannot govern themselves.


Ridiculous and poorly written.
"Bugman" isn't about office workers or technical people or any of that. It's basically just a synonym for soyjak or consoomer or whatever. You're mixing up the concept of the Professional Managerial Class (PMC) with just general competence, and they're not the same thing at all.
What you're trying to say is that you wish our side had better optics, but like Academic Agent you turn it into this silly armchair psychology exercise where you bloviate about how dumb and low class and white trash people are. You're basically Richard Hanania and you're a step away from telling everyone to vote for Gavin Newsom, if you haven't already.
I had to look up the definition of what's a chud while reading 🤣
Perhaps the prominence of chuds emerged because of or through the prominence of memes?
Listening to a podcast on music recently, a discussion ensued on high & low culture. The point made by the podcast was that classical music, and culture more broadly, upto the years in-between the world wars, prized high culture. So for instance, the point was made that back in the day, everyone attending classical music concerts knew how to play at least 1 musical instrument, because the mould of what it meant to be an accomplished adult back then included being able to play an instrument. The podcast then went into a deep dive rabbit hole of the origins of rock and roll and the effects of frequency. But I was reminded of this while reading your essay, especially the section of why creatives aren't comfortable among chuds, which I interpreted to mean low IQ people
Unfortunately our current Western culture doesn't promote high level aesthetics, traditions, knowledge, etc. And this is the result.
For the record, personally I think it's a shame the Librarian and Parvini got into a tiff. I follow both and have listened to AA for years.